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Melbourne, Middlesbrough and morality: policing Victorian ‘new towns’ in the old world and the new

Taylor, David (2006) Melbourne, Middlesbrough and morality: policing Victorian ‘new towns’ in the old world and the new. Social History, 31 (1). pp. 15-38. ISSN 0307-1022

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Abstract

On the surface, there could be few greater contrasts to the early twentieth-century
observer of urban development in Britain and its dominions than that between ‘marvellous’
Melbourne . . . the [golden] Metropolis of the Southern Hemisphere’, in the new world of
south-east Australia, and Middlesbrough, that grim, utilitarian ‘Ironopolis’, in the old world
of north-east England. On closer inspection there were certain commonalities that make
useful a comparison between the two in the early and mid-Victorian period. The focus of
this article is narrow – the creation of uniformed police forces and their role in the
creation of a well-ordered society in two dramatically expanding new towns – but forms
part of a wider set of issues relating to the development of urban governance in the
nineteenth century.

Item Type: Article
Additional Information: UoA 62 (History) © 2006 Taylor & Francis
Subjects: D History General and Old World > D History (General)
D History General and Old World > DA Great Britain
Schools: School of Music, Humanities and Media
Related URLs:
References: 1Brighton Examiner, 18 March 1856, cited in S. H. Palmer, Police and Protest in England and Ireland, 1780–1850 (Cambridge, 1990), 510. Town police clauses, incorporated into many local improvement acts, contained a vision of urban order that was part of a wider model of urban governance. See M. Ogden, ‘Ordering the city: surveillance, public space and the reform of urban policing in England, 1835–56’, Urban Geography, XII (1993), 505–21 and A. Croll, ‘Street disorder, surveillance and shame: regulating behaviour in the public spaces of the late- Victorian British town’, Social History, XXIV (1999), 250–68. 2‘The fact is that the really effective influence upon the development of colonial police forces during the nineteenth century was not that of the police of Great Britain, but that of the Royal Irish Constabulary,’ Sir Charles Jeffries, The Colonial Police (London, 1952), 30. Palmer offers a more refined version of the argument suggesting that, although ‘the Irish [model] dominated the colonies’, there was an English model exported for urban usage and an Irish model for rural. Palmer, op. cit., 542–5. For a critical examination of the validity of the Irish model thesis see R. Hawkins, ‘The ‘‘Irish Model’’ and the empire: a case for reassessment’ in D. M. Anderson and D. Killingray (eds), Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Control, 1830–1940 (Manchester, 1991), 18–32. 3See the concern that was expressed about the importation of Hong Kong policing methods into mainland Britain in the 1970s: G. Northam, Shooting in the Dark (London, 1989), especially chap. 8 ‘The colony within’. 4Anderson and Killingray, op. cit., 5. 5ibid., 10. 6ibid., 13. 7ibid., 10. 8M. Sturma, ‘Policing the criminal frontier in mid-nineteenth-century Australia, Britain and America’ in M. Finnane (ed.), Policing in Australia, Historical Perspectives (Kensington, 1987), 27–8. 9M. Finnane, Police and Government: Histories of Policing in Australia (Melbourne, 1994), 29.10E. G. Ravenstein, ‘The laws of migration’, Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, XLVIII (1885), 215. 11F. J. Turner, ‘The significance of the frontier in American history’, Report of the American Historical Association (1893), 199–227 and available at: http:// xroads.virginia.edu/*HYPER/TURNER 12R. Ward, The Australian Legend (Melbourne, 1958; reprinted 1984). As part of the disdain for authority there was also a sympathetic view of larrikinism. See J. B. Hirst, ‘The pioneer legend’, Historical Studies, XVIII (1978), 316–37; R. Ward, ‘The Australian legend re-visited’ in ibid., 174; and R. Waterhouse, ‘Australian legends: representations of the bush, 1813–1913’, Australian Historical Studies, III (2000), 201–21. Hirst points out the persistence of a more conservative ‘pioneer legend’ centred on land-holding in rural Australia, but see also R. White, Inventing Australia (Sydney, 1981) for the view that Australian national identity was a cultural construct imposed by an economic and educated elite. 13The white male perspective of earlier histories has aroused considerable debate, while the position of the aboriginal Australians and their relationship with incoming Europeans has recently sparked a major controversy that has gone beyond the bounds of the academic community. In a series of high-profile and provocative articles Keith Windschuttle has challenged the widely held view that Aborigines, like Native Americans, were slaughtered by European settlers. In contrast, he argues, it was the ‘British colonization of Australia [that] brought civilized society and the rule of law’. Windschuttle’s assault, particularly on the work of Henry Reynolds, is part of a wider conservative attack on the alleged ‘black armband’ mentality that so angered Australian Prime Minister John Howard. See K. Windschuttle, ‘The fabrication of Aboriginal history’, available at: www.cograve. org/pc_index/fabrication_of_aboriginal_histor.htm See also K. Windschuttle, ‘The myth of frontier massacres in Australian history’, parts I–III, Quadrant, XLIV (2000); H. Reynolds, The Other Side of the Frontier (London, 1982) and ‘From armband to blindfold’, Australian Review of Books, VI (2001); J. Connor, The Australian Frontier Wars, 1788–1838 (Sydney, 2002); and B. Attwood and S. G. Foster (eds), Frontier Conflict: The Australian Experience (Canberra, 2003). It is important to note that the Australian experience in this regard was significantly different from that of New Zealand or South Africa, where the opponents of British imperialism were more organized and their opposition more sustained and, as a consequence, the clashes with Maori and Zulu led to higher casualty rates in undisputed warfare. 14D. Hamer, New Towns in the New World: Images and Perceptions of the Nineteenth Century Urban Frontier (New York, 1990). 15Though the economic difficulties of the 1890s fuelled a reaction that saw ‘the civilization in the Australian cities [as] not new, but an old hoaryheaded, decrepit European civilization’: 1907 contribution to the Herald, cited in Hamer, op. cit., 228. 16W. Kelly, Life in Victoria or Victoria in 1853 and Victoria in 1858 Showing the March of Improvement Made by the Colony Within Those Periods, in Town and Country, Cities and Diggings (London, 1859), 268, describing the growth of Melbourne. 17Tony Nicholson, ‘ ‘‘Jacky’’ and the jubilee: Middlesbrough’s creation myth’ in A. J. Pollard (ed.), Middlesbrough: Town and Community, 1830– 1950 (Stroud, 1996). See also J. J. Turner, ‘The frontier revisited: thrift and fellowship in the new industrial town, c.1830–1914’ in the same volume. 18‘Middlesbrough: the growth of a new community’, chap. 6 of Asa Briggs, Victorian Cities (London, 1963) and reprinted in Pollard, op. cit. See also M. Chase, ‘The implantation of working class organization on Teesside, 1830–1874’, Het Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 18 (1992), 192– 211. For a critique of the notion of ‘the British Ballarat’ see D. Taylor, ‘Bearbrass or Ballarat? Asa Briggs’s Middlesbrough and the pattern of nineteenth century urbanization’, Journal of Regional and Local History, XXII (2004), 1–19.19Middlesbrough Weekly News, 6 May 1864. 20Cited in Hamer, op. cit., 211.21Cited in W. Ranger, Report to the General Board of Health . . . on the Borough of Middlesbrough (1854), 15. Ranger himself, while dismissing these comments as ‘somewhat overcoloured’ went on to paint a grim picture of overcrowding and ill-health in the poorer parts of the town. See especially Report, op. cit., 25–9. 22J. Grant and G. Serle (eds), The Melbourne Scene, 1803–1956 (Melbourne, 1978), 4. 23Police Magistrate George Stewart to Lord Glenelg, Secretary of State for the Colonies, 10 June 1836: P. Jones (ed.), Historical Records of Victoria: Foundation Series, Volume One. Beginnings of Permanent Government (Melbourne, 1981), 41 [hereafter HRV, vol. 1]. 24Captain Phillip Parker King to W. E. Lloyd, 5 March 1837: HRV vol. 1, 116.25T. Walker, A Month in the Bush of Australia (London, 1838), cited in Grant and Serle, op. cit., 28. 26M. Weidenhofer (ed.), Garryowen’s Melbourne: A Selection from The Chronicles of Early Melbourne, 1835 to 1852 by Garryowen (Melbourne, 1967), 43–5. Bullocks were used rather than horses, but even these creatures were not always a match for the conditions. Thomas Strode, another early newspaperman, recalled ‘a dray of bullocks so hopelessly imbedded in a hole in Elizabeth Street, that the animals were allowed to stifle in the mud’: T. Strode, ‘Victoria: annals and reminiscences of bygone days, historical, statistical and social . . . by a Melbournite of ‘‘38’’ ’, unpublished manuscript cited in R. Annear, Bearbrass: Imagining Early Melbourne (Melbourne, 1995), 53. See also H. Macrae (ed.), Georgina’s Diary: Melbourne One Hundred Years Ago (Sydney, 1934), 175, describing conditions on 23 January 1850. A committee of the Melbourne Corporation that reported in 1848 captured the physical squalor of the town in a report. ‘The diseases which prevail at particular seasons in Melbourne may be attributed to the crowding, the want of water, the absence of sewerage, the non-removal of decayed animal and vegetable refuse, and the poisonous liquid and gaseous matter generated within the city.’ Report of a Committee of the Melbourne Corporation (1848), Grant and Serle, op. cit., 6. 27See B. Barnett, The Civic Frontier: The Origin of Local Communities and Local Government in Victoria (Melbourne, 1979), chap. 26 and The Inner Suburbs: The Evolution of an Industrial Area (Melbourne, 1971). See also A. Brown-May, Melbourne Street Life (Kew, Victoria, 1998). 28For details see G. Serle, The Golden Age: A History of the Colony of Victoria, 1851–1861 (Melbourne, 1977), 369–70.29Report from the Select Committee on the Sewerage of and Supply of Water for Melbourne, Votes and Proceedings of the Victorian Legislative Council (1852–3), vol. II, cited in Grant and Serle, op. cit., 101. 30William Lonsdale, Police Magistrate, to Lord Glenelg, 30 September 1836 and to Sir Richard Bourke, 2 October 1836: HRV, vol. 1, 82. See also Lonsdale to Glenelg, 13 March 1837: HRV, vol. 1, 118. 31E. M. Curr, Recollections of Squatting in Victoria (Melbourne, 1883), cited in Grant and Serle, op. cit., 35. 32See Latrobe to Grey 2 March 1852. For further papers relative to the recent discovery of gold in Australia, P.P. (1852–3), LXIV, 1607 cited in C. M. H. Clark (ed.), Select Documents in Australian History, 1851–1900 (Sydney, 1955), 31. 33It is easy to overstate the extent of immorality and the threat to social order. Several contemporary observers noted the generally law-abiding nature of the diggers. 34R. Annear, Nothing but Gold: The Diggers of 1852 (Melbourne, 1999), 239. Grant and Serle, op. cit., 85–6, talk in similar vein of ‘self-made men – publicans, shopkeepers, gold-buyers, builders and land-speculators – confident and unabashed [who] began to assault the social citadels of ‘‘Old Chummydom’’ ’. 35J. Sherer, The Gold Finders of Australia: How He Went, How He Fared and How He Made His Fortune (London, 1853), 10, cited in R. Hughes, The Fatal Shore (London, 1988), 464.36Sydney Morning Herald, 4 November 1852, quoted in Serle, op. cit., 67. 37Revd D. Mackenzie, The Emigrant’s Guide (London, 1845), 30 and 51, cited in Ward, op. cit., 85. 38H. M. Hyndman, The Record of an Adventurous Life (London, 1911), 100. 39Henry Bolckow, one of the most influential men in early Middlesbrough who, with his partner John Vaughan, owned the largest ironworks in town, founded a working-men’s club in 1873 to ensure that ‘those who contributed so largely towards the means of civilization shall partake more truly of the culture and refinement which it entailed by having opportunities afforded them for rational and civilizing pleasures’, quoted in Briggs, op. cit., 256. See also Turner, ‘Frontier revisited’ in Pollard, op. cit. 40Chase, op. cit., 195.41Middlesbrough Weekly News, 2 December 1864. The paper was concerned with the inadequate state of the town’s sanitation and that the Owners were seeking to evade their responsibilities. Drainage was a major problem, but other issues, such as the provision of slaughterhouse facilities in the early 1860s, gave rise to the complaint by the town’s butchers that John Dunning, the Borough Surveyor but also agent to the Owners of the Middlesbrough Estate, was more interested in ‘putting money into the pockets of the Middlesbrough Owners whose servant he is’. 42R. Lewis, ‘The evolution of a political culture: Middlesbrough, 1850–1950’ in Pollard, op. cit. 43Barrett, Civic Frontier, op. cit., is particularly critical in this regard. 44ibid., 64.45See two important collections of essays, A. P. Donajgrodski (ed.), Social Control in Nineteenth Century Britain (London, 1977) and R. D. Storch (ed.), Popular Culture and Custom in Nineteenth- Century England (London, 1980). The concept and its usage was subject to scathing criticism by F. M. L. Thompson, ‘Social control in Victorian Britain’, Economic History Review, XXXIV (1981), 189–208, who stressed not only the conceptual problems associated with the term but also the empirical evidence of a ‘yawning gap’ between the aims and achievements of alleged social controllers. See also Thompson’s The Rise of Respectable Society (London, 1988). 464 & 5 Victoria CAP. LXVIII. Blacksmiths and slaughterhouse owners were specifically singled out for attention. 47ibid. See especially x160 which listed street offences, liable to a maximum fine of £2, including the flying of kites, the beating of carpets after 8 a.m. and the failure to safeguard flower pots in upper windows. 48ibid., x223.49Tavistock and Bridnorth, similarly sized towns in the mid-1840s, both employed 3 policemen. Evesham (pop. 4245) employed 7, Pontefract (pop. 4832) 6 and Stamford (pop. 7828) 11 policemen. However, a police/population ratio of 1:3000 was not unique at this time. Stockport had a ratio of 1:3806, Wigan 1:4097 and Bolton 1:4827. See ibid., 29 and D. Taylor, The New Police in the Nineteenth Century (Manchester, 1997), 35. 50Middlesbrough Watch Committee minutes, 9 October 1863. See Taylor, Policing, op. cit., 24–9 for further details. 51Middlesbrough Weekly News, 14 April 1865. 52Report from the Select Committee on Police Superannuation Funds (1875) (352), vol. xv, Q.3234. In the same reply Wilson noted that ‘now [1875] a reduction of wages is taking place in other employments, and we have not reduced ours [and] we are keeping our men rather better’.53The analysis in this and the following paragraph is based on an analysis of the Constables’ Conduct Registers, CB/M/P, 29, 30 and 31. Reasons for resigning were very rarely given. The reasons for dismissal were predictable: drinking on duty, neglect of duty, insubordination, assault (on members of the public as well as fellow officers), and immorality feature regularly in the conduct registers. See Taylor, Policing, op. cit., 43–4 for specific examples. 54Coincidentally, Ashe made his name through the arrest on Sandridge Pier,Melbourne, of Thomas Close, the town clerk of Middlesbrough who had fled the country on discovery of his fraudulent behaviour. D. Taylor, ‘The Antipodean arrest: or how to be a successful policeman in nineteenth-century Middlesbrough’, Bulletin of the Cleveland and Teesside Local History Society, LVIII (Spring 1990), 26–30. 55Report of Her Majesty’s Inspector of Constabulary (1859), 68, 70 and 71. Not all forces were praised. In 1858, for example, the Doncaster force, similar in size, was criticized for its very high turnover rate that rendered ‘anything like complete efficiency most difficult of attainment’ while the Leeds force, larger and longer established, was found not to have men ‘carefully chosen with regard to their qualifications or physical ability to discharge the arduous and important duties of police constable’. 56ibid. (1868). Isaac Wilson was proud of the Watch Committee’s reputation for being ‘very strict with our men’ and the fact that ‘we have always been well reported upon by the Government inspector’: Select Committee on Police Superannuation Funds, Q.3249. 57Barrett, The Civic Frontier, op. cit., 17. 58See Finnane, Police and Government, op. cit., especially chap. 1. 595 Geo. IV CAP. LXXXIII, An Act for the Punishment of Idle and disorderly Persons and Rogues and Vagabonds, in that Part of Great Britain called England. As well as refraining from going equipped to break into houses, warehouses, etc. and not acting in a riotous manner, the orderly citizen worked, looked after himself and his family, and acted soberly and decently.60Lonsdale to Glenelg, 12 June 1838: HRV, vol. 1, 264. 61For example, 16 Victoria No. 22 (1852) was intended to achieve the ‘better prevention’ of vagrancy; 2 Victoria No. 17 (1838), 3 Victoria No. 13 (1839) and15 Victoria No. 14 (1852)were designed to deal with the licensing of public houses and the sale of alcoholic drink; and 15 Victoria No. 12 was intended ‘to restrain the practice of gambling and the use of obscene language’. 62Part 2, which was to apply to all parts of Victoria, showed a greater concern for matters relating to animals and their control. There was also specific provision made for the keeping of ‘any bowling-alley skittle-ground or place for wrestling’ (x27) and the refusal or needless delay to admit a constable or justice into any place used for bowling, skittles or wrestling but also into any public ballroom ‘where payment is received for admission’ (x28).63The authorities in Middlesbrough became increasingly concerned with gambling (and the related problem of police corruption) from the 1870s onwards. However, despite a major drive in the 1900s, the Chief Constable, Henry Riches, was forced to concede that, at best, gambling had been driven from more prominent public places. See Taylor, Policing, op. cit., 159–62. 64Lonsdale to Glenelg, 5 August 1838. Lonsdale also told Glenelg that he had ‘for some time suspected that he [Batman] has received bribes from the inhabitants to neglect his duty’: HRV, vol. 1, 193–4. 65R. Haldane, The People’s Force: A History of the Victoria Police (Melbourne, 1995), 18; chap. 1 details the multiplicity of police forces, foot, mounted and native, in Victoria and the lack of co-ordination between them. 66ibid., 55–68.67Several witnesses before the 1852 Select Committee on Police in Victoria (the Snodgrass Committee) highlighted the need for a proper beat system which enabled men to get to know their districts (for example, Q.396 and Q.793). Freeman’s career ended in controversy when he committed suicide after having been moved from Melbourne to Geelong. 68In his evidence to the 1862/3 Select Committee Standish detailed the shifts worked by constables and the practice of mapping beats (QQ.687 and 697). This was contrasted with the practice ‘in old times . . . [when] officers of the police had to follow the population, which was very migratory’ instead of staying in a specific district (Q.2974). 69Minutes of Evidence, 16 May 1862, Q2252 ff. and Appendix S. 70Macrae, op. cit., 91. The entry is dated 3 August 1843. 71Report from the Select Committee on Police (1852), Minutes of Evidence, Q164. Policing was seen as ‘a temporary convenience’. 72It is a measure of the problems facing Lonsdale that his recommendations for appointment went from ‘able-bodied and intelligent’ through ‘ablebodied and appears intelligent’ to ‘able-bodied’. In many cases character was returned as ‘not much known’ and several constables could not read or write on appointment: HRV, vol. 1, chap. 13. 73For example, see the dismissal of PC James Dwyer ‘for being repeatedly drunk’, December 1836; PC William Hooson dismissed for accepting a bribe, December 1837; PC Freeston dismissed for ‘repeated neglect of duty’, August 1838: HRV, vol. 1, 186, 190 and 194. 74Schedule of the Authorized Establishment in the District of Port Phillip on the 1 July 1839, MELBOURNE: HRV, vol. 1, 136.75Report from the Select Committee on Police, Melbourne (1852), Appendix C. There were a total of 388 foot police in Victoria; 110 were located in the goldfields and 40 each in the County of Bourke and Geelong and County of Grant. Of 300 mounted police, 140 were stationed in the goldfields and 50 in the County of Bourke. 76Haldane, op. cit., 19. 77ibid., 24. 78Report. . . (1852), op. cit., ii. 79ibid., iii. See also the evidence of E. P. S. Sturt, Q.62 and Q.473; W. Hull, Q.301; R. W. Belcher, Q.355; N. A. Fenwick, Q.700 and Q.807. 80ibid., QQ.138, 164, 252, 343, 421, 496, 530, 599, 623, 1137. 81ibid., iv–v. 82The calculations are based on estimated population figures of 23,000 and 35,000 in 1852 and 1862.75Report from the Select Committee on Police, Melbourne (1852), Appendix C. There were a total of 388 foot police in Victoria; 110 were located in the goldfields and 40 each in the County of Bourke and Geelong and County of Grant. Of 300 mounted police, 140 were stationed in the goldfields and 50 in the County of Bourke. 76Haldane, op. cit., 19. 77ibid., 24. 78Report. . . (1852), op. cit., ii. 79ibid., iii. See also the evidence of E. P. S. Sturt, Q.62 and Q.473; W. Hull, Q.301; R. W. Belcher, Q.355; N. A. Fenwick, Q.700 and Q.807. 80ibid., QQ.138, 164, 252, 343, 421, 496, 530, 599, 623, 1137. 81ibid., iv–v. 82The calculations are based on estimated population figures of 23,000 and 35,000 in 1852 and 1862.83Detective Superintendent Hope, Report from the Select Committee on the Police Force (1862/3), Minutes of Evidence, Q.2443. 84Argus, 8 May 1850, 7 April 1857 and 20 September 1854 respectively and cited in Barrett, Civic Frontier, op. cit., 266. 85J. McQuilton, ‘Police in rural Victoria: a regional example’ in Finnane, Policing, op. cit., 40. 86Haldane, op. cit., 49. 87Report from the Select Committee on the Police Force (1862/3), iii. 88ibid., iv. 89ibid., Appendix E. See also QQ.6, 89, 93–4, 944, 1165, 1834–5, 1838, 1880. 90ibid., Q.1775; Q.4146; Appendix Sx88. 91ibid., Q.2282.92ibid., Appendix S xx82 and 83. Standish had been challenged in similar vein, being asked if it were true that ‘a great many of the people consider the police [as] parties who are pitted against them’: Select Committee, Appendix G, Q.892. He denied the charge. 93See also W. Bate, ‘From Eureka to Ned Kelly: a police force out of step with society’, Victorian Historical Journal, LXXV (2004), 88–95, which looks at policing rural Victoria. 94Cited in Finnane, Police, op. cit., 139. 95Cited in Haldane, op. cit., 39. 96ibid., 29. 97J. W. Ord quoted in Briggs, Victorian Cities, op. cit., 244.98For further details see Taylor, Policing, op. cit., 54–5. 99Middlesbrough Weekly News, 8 January 1859. 100Middlesbrough Weekly News, 13 August 1859.101Middlesbrough Commission, Light, Watching and Police Minute Book (1848–53), CB/M/C 1/5, 2 October 1851, 22. 102Annual Report, Middlesbrough Exchange, 12 October 1871. See also annual reports for 1863 and 1870 for almost identical comments. 103Borough of Middlesbrough, Minutes of Watch, Police and Lighting Committee, CB/M/ C 2/101, 5 July 1860, 21. 104ibid., 2 March 1870.105Although unpopular, the Melbourne police were not subject to the mass attacks that took place in Middlesbrough: HRV, vol. 1, chap. 22 for examples. 106Argus, 31 October 1857 cited in Barrett, Civic Frontier, op. cit., 209. 107Argus, 19 December 1858, cited in ibid., 210. 108D. Puseley, The Rise and Progress of Australia, Tasmania and New Zealand (London, 1857), cited in Serle, op. cit., 123. 109Annear, Bearbrass, op. cit., 83. 110E. C. Booth, Another England (London, 1869), cited in Serle, op. cit., 242. 111Quoted in Finnane, Police, op. cit., 95.112M. Clark, A Colonial City: High and Low Life, quoted in S. Davies, ‘ ‘‘Ragged, Dirty . . . Infamous and Obscene’’: the ‘‘Vagrant’’ in late-nineteenth century Melbourne’, in D. Philips and S. Davies (eds), A Nation of Rogues? Crime, Law and Punishment in Colonial Australia (Melbourne, 1994), 143. 113J. S. James, ‘The outcasts of Melbourne’, Argus, 20 May 1876 and ibid., 141. 114J. Thomas, The Vagabond Papers (Melbourne, 1877), cited in Grant and Serle, op. cit., 156. Thomas contrasted the European ‘rough’, who avoided police courts, with the larrikin who not only annoyed policemen but ‘daily crowds the police court, and manifests the liveliest interest in the fate of male or female friends who may be on trial’.115Stockton Gazette and Middlesbrough Times, 21 November 1862. For a more general discussion of the impact of the police in Middlesbrough over the course of the second half of the nineteenth century see Taylor, Policing, op. cit., especially 182–4. 116D. Taylor, ‘Beyond the bounds of respectable society: the ‘‘dangerous classes’’ in Victorian and Edwardian England’ in J. Rowbotham and K. Stevenson (eds), Criminal Conversations: Victorian Crime, Social Panic and Moral Outrage (Columbus, 2005).
Depositing User: Sara Taylor
Date Deposited: 12 May 2008 10:42
Last Modified: 07 Apr 2018 15:00
URI: http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/740

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