Computing and Library Services - delivering an inspiring information environment

Melbourne, Middlesbrough and morality: policing Victorian ‘new towns’ in the old world and the new

Taylor, David (2006) Melbourne, Middlesbrough and morality: policing Victorian ‘new towns’ in the old world and the new. Social History, 31 (1). pp. 15-38. ISSN 0307-1022

Metadata only available from this repository.


On the surface, there could be few greater contrasts to the early twentieth-century
observer of urban development in Britain and its dominions than that between ‘marvellous’
Melbourne . . . the [golden] Metropolis of the Southern Hemisphere’, in the new world of
south-east Australia, and Middlesbrough, that grim, utilitarian ‘Ironopolis’, in the old world
of north-east England. On closer inspection there were certain commonalities that make
useful a comparison between the two in the early and mid-Victorian period. The focus of
this article is narrow – the creation of uniformed police forces and their role in the
creation of a well-ordered society in two dramatically expanding new towns – but forms
part of a wider set of issues relating to the development of urban governance in the
nineteenth century.

Item Type: Article
Additional Information: UoA 62 (History) © 2006 Taylor & Francis
Subjects: D History General and Old World > D History (General)
D History General and Old World > DA Great Britain
Schools: School of Music, Humanities and Media
Related URLs:

1Brighton Examiner, 18 March 1856, cited in
S. H. Palmer, Police and Protest in England and
Ireland, 1780–1850 (Cambridge, 1990), 510. Town
police clauses, incorporated into many local
improvement acts, contained a vision of urban
order that was part of a wider model of urban
governance. See M. Ogden, ‘Ordering the city:
surveillance, public space and the reform of
urban policing in England, 1835–56’, Urban
Geography, XII (1993), 505–21 and A. Croll,
‘Street disorder, surveillance and shame: regulating
behaviour in the public spaces of the late-
Victorian British town’, Social History, XXIV
(1999), 250–68. 2‘The fact is that the really effective influence
upon the development of colonial police forces
during the nineteenth century was not that of the
police of Great Britain, but that of the Royal Irish
Constabulary,’ Sir Charles Jeffries, The Colonial
Police (London, 1952), 30. Palmer offers a more
refined version of the argument suggesting that,
although ‘the Irish [model] dominated the colonies’,
there was an English model exported for
urban usage and an Irish model for rural. Palmer,
op. cit., 542–5. For a critical examination of the
validity of the Irish model thesis see R. Hawkins,
‘The ‘‘Irish Model’’ and the empire: a case for
reassessment’ in D. M. Anderson and D. Killingray
(eds), Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and
Control, 1830–1940 (Manchester, 1991), 18–32.
3See the concern that was expressed about the
importation of Hong Kong policing methods into
mainland Britain in the 1970s: G. Northam,
Shooting in the Dark (London, 1989), especially
chap. 8 ‘The colony within’.
4Anderson and Killingray, op. cit., 5.
5ibid., 10.
6ibid., 13.
7ibid., 10.
8M. Sturma, ‘Policing the criminal frontier
in mid-nineteenth-century Australia, Britain
and America’ in M. Finnane (ed.), Policing in
Australia, Historical Perspectives (Kensington, 1987),
9M. Finnane, Police and Government: Histories of
Policing in Australia (Melbourne, 1994), 29.10E. G. Ravenstein, ‘The laws of migration’,
Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, XLVIII (1885),
11F. J. Turner, ‘The significance of the frontier in
American history’, Report of the American Historical
Association (1893), 199–227 and available at: http://*HYPER/TURNER
12R. Ward, The Australian Legend (Melbourne,
1958; reprinted 1984). As part of the disdain for
authority there was also a sympathetic view of
larrikinism. See J. B. Hirst, ‘The pioneer legend’,
Historical Studies, XVIII (1978), 316–37; R. Ward,
‘The Australian legend re-visited’ in ibid., 174; and
R. Waterhouse, ‘Australian legends: representations
of the bush, 1813–1913’, Australian Historical
Studies, III (2000), 201–21. Hirst points out the
persistence of a more conservative ‘pioneer legend’
centred on land-holding in rural Australia, but see
also R. White, Inventing Australia (Sydney, 1981)
for the view that Australian national identity was a
cultural construct imposed by an economic and
educated elite.
13The white male perspective of earlier histories
has aroused considerable debate, while the position
of the aboriginal Australians and their relationship
with incoming Europeans has recently sparked a
major controversy that has gone beyond the
bounds of the academic community. In a series
of high-profile and provocative articles Keith
Windschuttle has challenged the widely held view
that Aborigines, like Native Americans, were
slaughtered by European settlers. In contrast, he
argues, it was the ‘British colonization of Australia
[that] brought civilized society and the rule of law’.
Windschuttle’s assault, particularly on the work of
Henry Reynolds, is part of a wider conservative
attack on the alleged ‘black armband’ mentality
that so angered Australian Prime Minister John
Howard. See K. Windschuttle, ‘The fabrication of
Aboriginal history’, available at: www.cograve.
See also K. Windschuttle, ‘The myth of frontier
massacres in Australian history’, parts I–III, Quadrant,
XLIV (2000); H. Reynolds, The Other Side of
the Frontier (London, 1982) and ‘From armband to
blindfold’, Australian Review of Books, VI (2001); J.
Connor, The Australian Frontier Wars, 1788–1838
(Sydney, 2002); and B. Attwood and S. G. Foster
(eds), Frontier Conflict: The Australian Experience
(Canberra, 2003). It is important to note that the
Australian experience in this regard was significantly
different from that of New Zealand or South Africa, where the opponents of British
imperialism were more organized and their
opposition more sustained and, as a consequence,
the clashes with Maori and Zulu led to higher
casualty rates in undisputed warfare.
14D. Hamer, New Towns in the New World:
Images and Perceptions of the Nineteenth Century
Urban Frontier (New York, 1990).
15Though the economic difficulties of the 1890s
fuelled a reaction that saw ‘the civilization in the
Australian cities [as] not new, but an old hoaryheaded,
decrepit European civilization’: 1907 contribution
to the Herald, cited in Hamer, op. cit., 228.
16W. Kelly, Life in Victoria or Victoria in 1853 and
Victoria in 1858 Showing the March of Improvement
Made by the Colony Within Those Periods, in Town
and Country, Cities and Diggings (London, 1859),
268, describing the growth of Melbourne.
17Tony Nicholson, ‘ ‘‘Jacky’’ and the jubilee:
Middlesbrough’s creation myth’ in A. J. Pollard
(ed.), Middlesbrough: Town and Community, 1830–
1950 (Stroud, 1996). See also J. J. Turner, ‘The
frontier revisited: thrift and fellowship in the
new industrial town, c.1830–1914’ in the same
18‘Middlesbrough: the growth of a new community’,
chap. 6 of Asa Briggs, Victorian Cities
(London, 1963) and reprinted in Pollard, op. cit.
See also M. Chase, ‘The implantation of working
class organization on Teesside, 1830–1874’, Het
Tijdschrift voor Sociale Geschiedenis, 18 (1992), 192–
211. For a critique of the notion of ‘the British
Ballarat’ see D. Taylor, ‘Bearbrass or Ballarat? Asa
Briggs’s Middlesbrough and the pattern of nineteenth
century urbanization’, Journal of Regional and
Local History, XXII (2004), 1–19.19Middlesbrough Weekly News, 6 May 1864. 20Cited in Hamer, op. cit., 211.21Cited in W. Ranger, Report to the General
Board of Health . . . on the Borough of Middlesbrough
(1854), 15. Ranger himself, while dismissing these
comments as ‘somewhat overcoloured’ went on to
paint a grim picture of overcrowding and ill-health
in the poorer parts of the town. See especially
Report, op. cit., 25–9.
22J. Grant and G. Serle (eds), The Melbourne
Scene, 1803–1956 (Melbourne, 1978), 4.
23Police Magistrate George Stewart to Lord
Glenelg, Secretary of State for the Colonies, 10
June 1836: P. Jones (ed.), Historical Records of
Victoria: Foundation Series, Volume One. Beginnings
of Permanent Government (Melbourne, 1981), 41
[hereafter HRV, vol. 1].
24Captain Phillip Parker King to W. E. Lloyd, 5
March 1837: HRV vol. 1, 116.25T. Walker, A Month in the Bush of Australia
(London, 1838), cited in Grant and Serle, op. cit., 28.
26M. Weidenhofer (ed.), Garryowen’s Melbourne:
A Selection from The Chronicles of Early Melbourne,
1835 to 1852 by Garryowen (Melbourne, 1967),
43–5. Bullocks were used rather than horses, but
even these creatures were not always a match for
the conditions. Thomas Strode, another early
newspaperman, recalled ‘a dray of bullocks so
hopelessly imbedded in a hole in Elizabeth Street,
that the animals were allowed to stifle in the mud’:
T. Strode, ‘Victoria: annals and reminiscences of
bygone days, historical, statistical and social . . . by
a Melbournite of ‘‘38’’ ’, unpublished manuscript
cited in R. Annear, Bearbrass: Imagining Early
Melbourne (Melbourne, 1995), 53. See also H.
Macrae (ed.), Georgina’s Diary: Melbourne One
Hundred Years Ago (Sydney, 1934), 175, describing
conditions on 23 January 1850. A committee of
the Melbourne Corporation that reported in 1848
captured the physical squalor of the town in a
report. ‘The diseases which prevail at particular
seasons in Melbourne may be attributed to the
crowding, the want of water, the absence of
sewerage, the non-removal of decayed animal and
vegetable refuse, and the poisonous liquid and
gaseous matter generated within the city.’ Report
of a Committee of the Melbourne Corporation
(1848), Grant and Serle, op. cit., 6.
27See B. Barnett, The Civic Frontier: The Origin of
Local Communities and Local Government in Victoria
(Melbourne, 1979), chap. 26 and The Inner Suburbs:
The Evolution of an Industrial Area (Melbourne,
1971). See also A. Brown-May, Melbourne Street
Life (Kew, Victoria, 1998).
28For details see G. Serle, The Golden Age: A
History of the Colony of Victoria, 1851–1861 (Melbourne,
1977), 369–70.29Report from the Select Committee on the
Sewerage of and Supply of Water for Melbourne,
Votes and Proceedings of the Victorian Legislative
Council (1852–3), vol. II, cited in Grant and Serle,
op. cit., 101.
30William Lonsdale, Police Magistrate, to Lord
Glenelg, 30 September 1836 and to Sir Richard
Bourke, 2 October 1836: HRV, vol. 1, 82. See also
Lonsdale to Glenelg, 13 March 1837: HRV, vol. 1,
31E. M. Curr, Recollections of Squatting in Victoria
(Melbourne, 1883), cited in Grant and Serle, op.
cit., 35.
32See Latrobe to Grey 2 March 1852. For
further papers relative to the recent discovery
of gold in Australia, P.P. (1852–3), LXIV, 1607
cited in C. M. H. Clark (ed.), Select Documents
in Australian History, 1851–1900 (Sydney,
1955), 31.
33It is easy to overstate the extent of immorality
and the threat to social order. Several contemporary
observers noted the generally law-abiding
nature of the diggers.
34R. Annear, Nothing but Gold: The Diggers of
1852 (Melbourne, 1999), 239. Grant and Serle, op.
cit., 85–6, talk in similar vein of ‘self-made men –
publicans, shopkeepers, gold-buyers, builders and
land-speculators – confident and unabashed [who]
began to assault the social citadels of ‘‘Old
Chummydom’’ ’.
35J. Sherer, The Gold Finders of Australia: How He
Went, How He Fared and How He Made His Fortune
(London, 1853), 10, cited in R. Hughes, The Fatal
Shore (London, 1988), 464.36Sydney Morning Herald, 4 November 1852,
quoted in Serle, op. cit., 67.
37Revd D. Mackenzie, The Emigrant’s Guide
(London, 1845), 30 and 51, cited in Ward, op. cit., 85.
38H. M. Hyndman, The Record of an Adventurous
Life (London, 1911), 100.
39Henry Bolckow, one of the most influential
men in early Middlesbrough who, with his partner
John Vaughan, owned the largest ironworks in
town, founded a working-men’s club in 1873 to
ensure that ‘those who contributed so largely
towards the means of civilization shall partake
more truly of the culture and refinement which it
entailed by having opportunities afforded them for
rational and civilizing pleasures’, quoted in Briggs,
op. cit., 256. See also Turner, ‘Frontier revisited’ in
Pollard, op. cit.
40Chase, op. cit., 195.41Middlesbrough Weekly News, 2 December 1864.
The paper was concerned with the inadequate
state of the town’s sanitation and that the Owners
were seeking to evade their responsibilities.
Drainage was a major problem, but other issues,
such as the provision of slaughterhouse facilities in
the early 1860s, gave rise to the complaint by the
town’s butchers that John Dunning, the Borough
Surveyor but also agent to the Owners of the
Middlesbrough Estate, was more interested in
‘putting money into the pockets of the Middlesbrough
Owners whose servant he is’.
42R. Lewis, ‘The evolution of a political
culture: Middlesbrough, 1850–1950’ in Pollard,
op. cit.
43Barrett, Civic Frontier, op. cit., is particularly
critical in this regard.
44ibid., 64.45See two important collections of essays, A. P.
Donajgrodski (ed.), Social Control in Nineteenth
Century Britain (London, 1977) and R. D. Storch
(ed.), Popular Culture and Custom in Nineteenth-
Century England (London, 1980). The concept and
its usage was subject to scathing criticism by F. M.
L. Thompson, ‘Social control in Victorian Britain’,
Economic History Review, XXXIV (1981), 189–208,
who stressed not only the conceptual problems
associated with the term but also the empirical
evidence of a ‘yawning gap’ between the aims and
achievements of alleged social controllers. See also
Thompson’s The Rise of Respectable Society
(London, 1988).
464 & 5 Victoria CAP. LXVIII. Blacksmiths and
slaughterhouse owners were specifically singled
out for attention.
47ibid. See especially x160 which listed street
offences, liable to a maximum fine of £2,
including the flying of kites, the beating of carpets
after 8 a.m. and the failure to safeguard flower pots
in upper windows.
48ibid., x223.49Tavistock and Bridnorth, similarly sized
towns in the mid-1840s, both employed 3
policemen. Evesham (pop. 4245) employed 7,
Pontefract (pop. 4832) 6 and Stamford (pop. 7828)
11 policemen. However, a police/population ratio
of 1:3000 was not unique at this time. Stockport
had a ratio of 1:3806, Wigan 1:4097 and
Bolton 1:4827. See ibid., 29 and D. Taylor, The
New Police in the Nineteenth Century (Manchester,
1997), 35.
50Middlesbrough Watch Committee minutes, 9
October 1863. See Taylor, Policing, op. cit., 24–9
for further details.
51Middlesbrough Weekly News, 14 April 1865.
52Report from the Select Committee on Police
Superannuation Funds (1875) (352), vol. xv,
Q.3234. In the same reply Wilson noted that
‘now [1875] a reduction of wages is taking place in
other employments, and we have not reduced ours
[and] we are keeping our men rather better’.53The analysis in this and the following paragraph
is based on an analysis of the Constables’
Conduct Registers, CB/M/P, 29, 30 and 31.
Reasons for resigning were very rarely given. The
reasons for dismissal were predictable: drinking on
duty, neglect of duty, insubordination, assault (on
members of the public as well as fellow officers),
and immorality feature regularly in the conduct
registers. See Taylor, Policing, op. cit., 43–4 for
specific examples.
54Coincidentally, Ashe made his name through
the arrest on Sandridge Pier,Melbourne, of Thomas
Close, the town clerk of Middlesbrough who had
fled the country on discovery of his fraudulent behaviour.
D. Taylor, ‘The Antipodean arrest: or how to
be a successful policeman in nineteenth-century
Middlesbrough’, Bulletin of the Cleveland and Teesside
Local History Society, LVIII (Spring 1990), 26–30.
55Report of Her Majesty’s Inspector of Constabulary
(1859), 68, 70 and 71. Not all forces were
praised. In 1858, for example, the Doncaster force,
similar in size, was criticized for its very high
turnover rate that rendered ‘anything like complete
efficiency most difficult of attainment’ while
the Leeds force, larger and longer established, was
found not to have men ‘carefully chosen with
regard to their qualifications or physical ability to
discharge the arduous and important duties of
police constable’.
56ibid. (1868). Isaac Wilson was proud of the
Watch Committee’s reputation for being ‘very
strict with our men’ and the fact that ‘we have
always been well reported upon by the Government
inspector’: Select Committee on Police
Superannuation Funds, Q.3249.
57Barrett, The Civic Frontier, op. cit., 17.
58See Finnane, Police and Government, op. cit.,
especially chap. 1.
595 Geo. IV CAP. LXXXIII, An Act for the
Punishment of Idle and disorderly Persons and
Rogues and Vagabonds, in that Part of Great
Britain called England. As well as refraining from
going equipped to break into houses, warehouses,
etc. and not acting in a riotous manner, the orderly
citizen worked, looked after himself and his family,
and acted soberly and decently.60Lonsdale to Glenelg, 12 June 1838: HRV, vol.
1, 264.
61For example, 16 Victoria No. 22 (1852) was
intended to achieve the ‘better prevention’ of
vagrancy; 2 Victoria No. 17 (1838), 3 Victoria No.
13 (1839) and15 Victoria No. 14 (1852)were designed
to deal with the licensing of public houses and the
sale of alcoholic drink; and 15 Victoria No. 12 was
intended ‘to restrain the practice of gambling and
the use of obscene language’.
62Part 2, which was to apply to all parts of
Victoria, showed a greater concern for matters
relating to animals and their control. There was
also specific provision made for the keeping of ‘any
bowling-alley skittle-ground or place for wrestling’
(x27) and the refusal or needless delay to
admit a constable or justice into any place used for
bowling, skittles or wrestling but also into any
public ballroom ‘where payment is received for
admission’ (x28).63The authorities in Middlesbrough became
increasingly concerned with gambling (and the
related problem of police corruption) from the
1870s onwards. However, despite a major drive in
the 1900s, the Chief Constable, Henry Riches, was
forced to concede that, at best, gambling had been
driven from more prominent public places. See
Taylor, Policing, op. cit., 159–62.
64Lonsdale to Glenelg, 5 August 1838. Lonsdale
also told Glenelg that he had ‘for some time
suspected that he [Batman] has received bribes
from the inhabitants to neglect his duty’: HRV,
vol. 1, 193–4.
65R. Haldane, The People’s Force: A History of the
Victoria Police (Melbourne, 1995), 18; chap. 1
details the multiplicity of police forces, foot,
mounted and native, in Victoria and the lack of
co-ordination between them.
66ibid., 55–68.67Several witnesses before the 1852 Select
Committee on Police in Victoria (the Snodgrass
Committee) highlighted the need for a proper beat
system which enabled men to get to know their
districts (for example, Q.396 and Q.793). Freeman’s
career ended in controversy when he
committed suicide after having been moved from
Melbourne to Geelong.
68In his evidence to the 1862/3 Select Committee
Standish detailed the shifts worked by
constables and the practice of mapping beats
(QQ.687 and 697). This was contrasted with the
practice ‘in old times . . . [when] officers of the
police had to follow the population, which was
very migratory’ instead of staying in a specific
district (Q.2974).
69Minutes of Evidence, 16 May 1862, Q2252 ff.
and Appendix S.
70Macrae, op. cit., 91. The entry is dated 3
August 1843.
71Report from the Select Committee on Police (1852),
Minutes of Evidence, Q164. Policing was seen as
‘a temporary convenience’.
72It is a measure of the problems facing Lonsdale
that his recommendations for appointment went
from ‘able-bodied and intelligent’ through ‘ablebodied
and appears intelligent’ to ‘able-bodied’. In
many cases character was returned as ‘not much
known’ and several constables could not read or
write on appointment: HRV, vol. 1, chap. 13.
73For example, see the dismissal of PC James
Dwyer ‘for being repeatedly drunk’, December
1836; PC William Hooson dismissed for accepting
a bribe, December 1837; PC Freeston dismissed
for ‘repeated neglect of duty’, August 1838: HRV,
vol. 1, 186, 190 and 194.
74Schedule of the Authorized Establishment in
the District of Port Phillip on the 1 July 1839,
MELBOURNE: HRV, vol. 1, 136.75Report from the Select Committee on Police,
Melbourne (1852), Appendix C. There were a
total of 388 foot police in Victoria; 110 were
located in the goldfields and 40 each in the County
of Bourke and Geelong and County of Grant. Of
300 mounted police, 140 were stationed in the
goldfields and 50 in the County of Bourke.
76Haldane, op. cit., 19.
77ibid., 24.
78Report. . . (1852), op. cit., ii.
79ibid., iii. See also the evidence of E. P. S. Sturt,
Q.62 and Q.473; W. Hull, Q.301; R. W. Belcher,
Q.355; N. A. Fenwick, Q.700 and Q.807.
80ibid., QQ.138, 164, 252, 343, 421, 496, 530,
599, 623, 1137.
81ibid., iv–v.
82The calculations are based on estimated
population figures of 23,000 and 35,000 in 1852
and 1862.75Report from the Select Committee on Police,
Melbourne (1852), Appendix C. There were a
total of 388 foot police in Victoria; 110 were
located in the goldfields and 40 each in the County
of Bourke and Geelong and County of Grant. Of
300 mounted police, 140 were stationed in the
goldfields and 50 in the County of Bourke.
76Haldane, op. cit., 19.
77ibid., 24.
78Report. . . (1852), op. cit., ii.
79ibid., iii. See also the evidence of E. P. S. Sturt,
Q.62 and Q.473; W. Hull, Q.301; R. W. Belcher,
Q.355; N. A. Fenwick, Q.700 and Q.807.
80ibid., QQ.138, 164, 252, 343, 421, 496, 530,
599, 623, 1137.
81ibid., iv–v.
82The calculations are based on estimated
population figures of 23,000 and 35,000 in 1852
and 1862.83Detective Superintendent Hope, Report from
the Select Committee on the Police Force (1862/3),
Minutes of Evidence, Q.2443.
84Argus, 8 May 1850, 7 April 1857 and 20
September 1854 respectively and cited in Barrett,
Civic Frontier, op. cit., 266.
85J. McQuilton, ‘Police in rural Victoria: a
regional example’ in Finnane, Policing, op. cit., 40.
86Haldane, op. cit., 49.
87Report from the Select Committee on the Police
Force (1862/3), iii.
88ibid., iv.
89ibid., Appendix E. See also QQ.6, 89, 93–4,
944, 1165, 1834–5, 1838, 1880.
90ibid., Q.1775; Q.4146; Appendix Sx88.
91ibid., Q.2282.92ibid., Appendix S xx82 and 83. Standish had
been challenged in similar vein, being asked if it
were true that ‘a great many of the people consider
the police [as] parties who are pitted against them’:
Select Committee, Appendix G, Q.892. He
denied the charge.
93See also W. Bate, ‘From Eureka to Ned Kelly:
a police force out of step with society’, Victorian
Historical Journal, LXXV (2004), 88–95, which looks
at policing rural Victoria.
94Cited in Finnane, Police, op. cit., 139.
95Cited in Haldane, op. cit., 39.
96ibid., 29.
97J. W. Ord quoted in Briggs, Victorian Cities,
op. cit., 244.98For further details see Taylor, Policing, op. cit.,
99Middlesbrough Weekly News, 8 January 1859.
100Middlesbrough Weekly News, 13 August 1859.101Middlesbrough Commission, Light, Watching
and Police Minute Book (1848–53), CB/M/C
1/5, 2 October 1851, 22.
102Annual Report, Middlesbrough Exchange, 12
October 1871. See also annual reports for 1863 and
1870 for almost identical comments.
103Borough of Middlesbrough, Minutes of
Watch, Police and Lighting Committee, CB/M/
C 2/101, 5 July 1860, 21.
104ibid., 2 March 1870.105Although unpopular, the Melbourne police
were not subject to the mass attacks that took place
in Middlesbrough: HRV, vol. 1, chap. 22 for
106Argus, 31 October 1857 cited in Barrett, Civic
Frontier, op. cit., 209.
107Argus, 19 December 1858, cited in ibid., 210.
108D. Puseley, The Rise and Progress of Australia,
Tasmania and New Zealand (London, 1857), cited
in Serle, op. cit., 123.
109Annear, Bearbrass, op. cit., 83.
110E. C. Booth, Another England (London,
1869), cited in Serle, op. cit., 242.
111Quoted in Finnane, Police, op. cit., 95.112M. Clark, A Colonial City: High and Low Life,
quoted in S. Davies, ‘ ‘‘Ragged, Dirty . . . Infamous
and Obscene’’: the ‘‘Vagrant’’ in late-nineteenth
century Melbourne’, in D. Philips and S. Davies
(eds), A Nation of Rogues? Crime, Law and Punishment
in Colonial Australia (Melbourne, 1994), 143.
113J. S. James, ‘The outcasts of Melbourne’,
Argus, 20 May 1876 and ibid., 141.
114J. Thomas, The Vagabond Papers (Melbourne,
1877), cited in Grant and Serle, op. cit., 156.
Thomas contrasted the European ‘rough’, who
avoided police courts, with the larrikin who not
only annoyed policemen but ‘daily crowds the
police court, and manifests the liveliest interest in
the fate of male or female friends who may be on
trial’.115Stockton Gazette and Middlesbrough Times, 21
November 1862. For a more general discussion
of the impact of the police in Middlesbrough
over the course of the second half of the
nineteenth century see Taylor, Policing, op. cit.,
especially 182–4.
116D. Taylor, ‘Beyond the bounds of respectable
society: the ‘‘dangerous classes’’ in Victorian and
Edwardian England’ in J. Rowbotham and K.
Stevenson (eds), Criminal Conversations: Victorian
Crime, Social Panic and Moral Outrage (Columbus,

Depositing User: Sara Taylor
Date Deposited: 12 May 2008 10:42
Last Modified: 21 Aug 2009 13:51


Downloads per month over past year

Repository Staff Only: item control page

View Item View Item

University of Huddersfield, Queensgate, Huddersfield, HD1 3DH Copyright and Disclaimer All rights reserved ©